GRUPO 400+ DE VENEZUELA

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www.urru.org/G-400/G-400_Index.htm

 

Your Excellency Mr. President:

 

          The general Assembly of the Organization of American States will meet in a few hours in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. The Final Report of the Electoral Observation on the parliamentary elections held in Venezuela last December will be part of the Agenda agreed by the organization’s Permanent Council to be considered by the Foreign Ministers.

 

          It is for such reason, and in view of the short term before the presidential elections to be held in Venezuela, that we, a group of Venezuelan citizens coming from diverse sectors of our society, have thought that it is vitally important that we should address ourselves to you, as Head of State of one of the 34 Member Countries of the above-mentioned hemispheric organization, in order to move for your government’s special attention on this important occasion, when said mission’s final report will be considered. We believe, Mr. President, that any resolution adopted by the General Assembly will have great impact on the realization of free and transparent elections in our country. It would prevent that we may once more be the victims of another electronic electoral fraud.

 

          Mr. President, as we have indicated, Group 400+ is a civil entity open to all Venezuelans linked to the diplomatic, cultural, political, academic, labor, union, business, artistic, industrial, agricultural, communications, community, scientific, scientific and religious fields, all united in order to promote international interest and attention regarding the presidential election that is to be held on December this year. All of this when one bears in mind the comments and suggestions included in the reports by the Organization of American States (OAS), the European Union (EU), the European Parliament, the Spanish Parliament and the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights.

 

          Under the spirit of the observers’ report, the Venezuelan electoral system demand an urgent and deep revision, if one is to recover the electors’ trust on their vote’s secrecy, on the fact that the results may no be electronically altered and that their political decision does not entail dangers or risks to their person or to their property.

 

 It is indeed by reason of the fact that these fears prevailed during the parliamentary elections that less than three million voters cast their votes, out of more than 14 million registered voters. In other words, those were elections without contenders.

 

          Under any other circumstance, the December 3 Venezuelan presidential election would just be an election like any other, within a democratic system. Yet, as things stand, in view of the irregularities clearly shown in the Reports made by the different electoral observation missions that have been present in this country during the last years, there is a founded fear that said coming election’s results would not abide to the electors’ intention; what is yet worst: in face of any given result, there could be doubts as to its veracity. If such were the case, Venezuela would be entering into its democratic life’s terminal phase.

 

          In effect, as Your Excellency may verify, in spite o the subtle democratic language of the report to be discussed by this General Assembly —of which your government has a copy— it clearly underscores the presence of a climate of intimidation, one in which the system of justice is used as a political instrument by a government supported by the armed forces, putting in jeopardy the freedom of conscience that should be available to any one participating in an electoral process. There is no way in which the report is able to cover-up the reality that we are facing yet one more occasion allowing for the recovery of democracy in Venezuela. On this respect, the member countries bear a collective responsibility when asked to respond as guarantors and signers of the Inter American Democratic Chart, one that does not seem to apply to a regime armored by the use it makes abroad of the Venezuelan oil resources to buy solidarity and even silence, for the sake of our national property and even our freedom.

 

          For obvious reasons, the report avoids the central aspect of any consideration regarding the reality of our electoral process’ surroundings: of the fact that Venezuela has progressively being turning into a militarized and autocratic regime, one enjoying absolute control of all Powers: Judicial and Moral, Legislative, Electoral, Comptrollership, Office of the Attorney General and Ombudsman, Armed Forces an, on top of a private militia. As a consequence, one should not keep qualifying as democratic a government showing all such features; the fact of having been democratically elected does not suffice if subsequently it does not rule democratically. All governments should clearly understand that the Armed Forces —those currently having free access to the national treasury— are the ones who rule and sustain the Venezuelan regime.

 

          On this particular, the electoral observers, as it is also expressed in the Report of the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights, call for attention regarding “the existence of discriminatory actions aimed at intimidating, harassing and stigmatizing persons or organizations pronouncing themselves dissenting from the government’s policies or officers, or those who pronounced themselves for the recall of President Chávez in the recall referendum.” The so-called “Tascón  List” (in honor of the pro-government congressman who drew it under request made by the president of the Republic) holds the signatures of those who expressed themselves calling for a recall referendum, and the “Maisanta List” holding the record of the political decision of the 12 million electors, with specific data regarding their ideological preference. The lists represent an instrument of persecution without precedents in our history and there is no single govern having yet raised its voice to censure such an outrage, one similar to the ignominious practices of apartheid condemned by the entire world.

 

          In this sense, Mr. President, it is important that the international community understands the importance of having elections following procedures ensuring the secrecy of vote, and letting the voters trust that the official results are the exact showing of the citizens’ will. This is only attainable if there are warranties of the register of voters’ pulchritude; it may be attained if binding verification of the votes cast is allowed through the counting of the ballots deposited by the voters when voting with machines.

 

          Another detail worth mentioning, as denounced in the observers’ reports, is the abusive participation of military personnel in the polling stations; Venezuela is the only country where elections are held under the custody of armed soldiers, giving the impression that they are leading people to vote as if they were going to the gallows, rather than making use of a citizen right.

 

          Mr. President, as you know, Colombia, with a voting population twice the size of Venezuela’s, just held its presidential election with manual casting and counting of votes. The same was previously done in Chile and Peru, as it will be next month in Mexico. In all these cases the votes were cast manually, there was a previous independent audit of the electoral record of voters, and the ballots were counted in most efficient and transparent processes. The Venezuelan regime is the sole in the world basing its permanence in power thanks to the electronic manipulation of votes; it is not willing to risk participating in an open process with manual votes cast by duly certified voters and where the votes are counted. The same is done in all the Caribbean and America with the exceptions being Cuba and Venezuela.

 

          On this respect it is both pertinent and important to recall what is said in the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, signed at the United Nations on October 27, 2005:

 

“The will of the people of a country is the basis for the authority of government, and that will must be determined through genuine periodic elections, which guarantee the right and opportunity to vote freely and to be elected fairly through universal and equal suffrage by secret balloting or equivalent free voting procedures, the results of which are accurately counted, announced and respected”.

 

          This is the only thing that we Venezuelans look for. Mr. President. No more than that, yet no less either.

 

          Until now, the National Electoral Council (CNE) has acknowledged none of the suggestions made by the electoral observation missions. On the contrary, the irregularities persist and worsen with the result that, just six months before the presidential election, the voters’ mistrust of the electoral system and of the National Electoral Council is still present and deepening. The appointment of a new impartial Board for the CNE would have been a decisive step towards the people’s reconciliation. They have been divided as a result of the hatred sown from the heights of power, but it is obvious that the regime is not looking for conciliation but on the contrary it fosters and supports its opponents’ extermination.

 

          We cannot conclude without underscoring that the consequences and damages arising from the political process being suffered by our country goes beyond our borders and it encompasses everybody within the region, in view of the regime’s political and social capacity for creating unstableness —only possible— by means of the national oil bonanza, one used to promote rampant political ambition going in a direction opposite to the interests today represented by the Latin American and Caribbean governments. Democratic Venezuela, one that for more that fifty (50) years has been consequent and shared in common with the sister nations, wishes that you government does review the remarks made as fundamental elements in order to hold free, transparent and non manipulated by the government.

 

          Last, we take the liberty of quoting the eloquent and alarming conclusion of the OAS Electoral Observation Mission’s Report:

 

          “It is not this Mission’s purpose to evaluate nor point out who is responsible for the political environment we have found; yet one may not go without warning that said climate’s persistence may obstruct the deepening of democracy and, in particular, it may discourage the use of elections as the sole democratic way of selecting, changing or ratifying those who rule. The Inter-American Democratic Chart, in its First Article, provides that the governments are obliged to promote and defend democracy”.

 

          May we also attach as an enclosure some summary comments on the Report, and may we take advantage of the occasion to reiterate our gratitude for the consideration that you may give to our expositions and to convey our most sincere and cordial salutation.

 

Caracas, June 4, 2006.

 

SINGED BY MEMBERS OF GRUPO 400+

 

1	.-	Agena	Maritza	MBA Marketing & European Commerce, 11abril.com
2	.-	Aguiar	Asdrúbal	ex Ministro de la Secretaría y Relaciones Interiores, ex Juez de la CIDH, co-redactor del proyecto de Declaración Universal de la UNESCO sobre el Derecho Humano a la Paz.
3	.-	Aguilar	Juan Gonzalo	Coronel Ejercito, Dirigente Izquierda Democratica
4	.-	Ahumada L.	Yoyiana	Periodista y Escritora
5	.-	Alarcón	Benigno	Abogado
6	.-	Albujas	Miguel	Filósofo, Profesor de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV)
7	.-	Alcalay	Milos	Embajador, en la ONU, ex Vicecanciller
8	.-	Alcalay Cors	Mariana	Internacionalista y especialista en Derechos Humanos
9	.-	Alcántara	Pedro Pablo	ex Diputado en la Asamblea nacional
10	.-	Alegrett	Silvia	Periodista, Coordinadora General de Expresión Libre, Comunicadores por la Paz y la Democracia
11	.-	Alfonso	Rafael	Miembro de la Mesa de Negociación y Acuerdos
12	.-	Almosny Pulido	Moisés	Administrador, Asegurador
13	.-	Alonso	Miguel	Profesor Universitario
14	.-	Alvarenga	Ernesto	ex Diputado a la Asamblea Nacional
15	.-	Alvarez	Miguel
16	.-	Alvarez	Tulio	Abogado, Presidente de Federación Verdad Venezuela
17	.-	Alvarez	Freddy	Embajador, Ex Viceministro de Energía y Minas
18	.-	Alvarez Paz	Oswaldo	ex Gobernador del Estado Zulia, ex Presidente Cámara Diputados Congreso Nacional
19	.-	Alzuru	Maria Luisa
20	.-	Anasagasti	Iñaki	Senador en las Cortes Generales del Reino de España por el Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV)
21	.-	Andrade	Patricia	Venezuela Awareness Foundation
22	.-	Anez T.	Rafael A.	Consultor Gerencial
23	.-	Angel Faría	Capitán Rafael	Capitán Ejército, Preso Político en Ramo Verde
24	.-	Angeli	Sonia de	Arquitecta
25	.-	Armas	Aixa
26	.-	Arraiz	Elisa	Escritora
27	.-	Arria	Diego	Académico Visitante de Columbia University, Embajador, en la ONU,  ex Gobernador de Caracas
28	.-	Arria	Humberto
29	.-	Arria	Magdalena	Galerista de Arte
30	.-	Arrieta Cuevas	Raúl	Profesor Coordinador del Post-Grado de Derecho Internacional Económico y de la Integración Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV)
31	.-	Atencio Atencio	Alvaro	Abogado, Empresario
32	.-	Attianese	Maria Inès	Medico
33	.-	Avendaño	Astrid	Historiadora
34	.-	Azparren Giménez	Leonardo	Profesor de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV)
35	.-	Azpurua de Pulido	Carmen
36	.-	Baralt de Iribarren	María Elizabeth	Madre
37	.-	Baratta	Carla	Químico, Italia
38	.-	Barrios O.	Adriana M.	Internacionalista
39	.-	Bastardo Hahm	Carlos	Sociólogo, Ecuador
40	.-	Bastardo Hahn	Yajaira	Farmacéutico
41	.-	Becker	Yvonne	Gente del Petróleo
42	.-	Becker Becker	Erik	ex Embajador en Alemania y Bulgaria, ex Concejal y Vicepresidente del Ayuntamiento del Distrito Sucre, Caracas, Presidente de la Federación de Psicólogos de Venezuela
43	.-	Beech	Alexandra	Escritora, Dramaturga, Blog Alex Beech
44	.-	Belandia Ruiz Pineda	Alexandra	Movimiento CAMBIO, Lic. En Comunicacion del Discurso
45	.-	Bello	Ricardo	Escritor, Dirigente Gremial Agropecuario
46	.-	Benshimol	Levy	Presidente del Colegio de Periodistas
47	.-	Beretta de Villarroel	Delia	Ex Presidenta del Colegio de Profesores de Venezuela
48	.-	Berrios	Agustín	ex Diputado
49	.-	Bertorelli	Josefina
50	.-	Bertorelli	Mario
51	.-	Bessone	Barbara	Decoradora, Red Venezuela-Italia
52	.-	Blanco	Carlos	ex Ministro Para la Reforma del Estado, Profesor de Harvard University
53	.-	Blanco Rincon	Mercedes	Consultora en Comunicación, Paris, Francia.
54	.-	Bocaranda Sardi	Nelson	Periodista, Diario El Universal, Venevisión, Unión Radio,
55	.-	Boccheciampe Crovati	Elsa	Embajador, en las Republicas de Haití, El Salvador y Paraguay
56	.-	Boord	Leonard